06 March, 2009

UK false flag bombs 1970s DUBLIN MONAGHAN

Broadcasts 06 July 1993 YORKSHIRE TELEVISION
The worst terrorist outrage of the Anglo-Irish "toubles" occured on 17th May 1974. It was the ruthless, calculated act of mass murder inflicted on Dublin and Monaghan in the Irish Republic. Thirty-three men, women and children were murdered, and almost 300 injured, when four car bombs exploded in crowded, rush-hour streets.
Today the murders are virtually forgotten and remain an unsolved mystery. No one has been convicted, or even arrested, and no paramilitary group has ever admitted responsibility for the crime. Now, after many months of investigations, First Tuesday pieces together a dramatic and disturbing insight into the worst terrorist attrocity of our times. The programme reveals the hidden truths behind the bombings and explains why details of the massacre have been buried for 20 years.

After a lengthy debate the Dáil Éireann, the parliament of the Republic of Ireland, prepared itself to vote on a bill that would provide the government greater powers in dealing with paramilitary, in particular members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and its branches, at the expense of civil liberties. The bill lacked support of Fine Gael and there was a good chance that the bill was voted down.
At about the same time the Belfast Newsletter received a phone call from a caller with a distinctly English accent who warned that bombs were planted near Liberty Hall and Clery's, a department store on O'Connell Street, in Dublin. The warning was merely symbolic as only three minutes later, at 7.58pm, a car bomb exploded near Liberty Hall. A second bomb detonated on Sackville Place just off O'Connell Street 17 minutes after and two employees of Córas Iompair Éireann (CIÉ), or Irish National Public Transport Organisation, were killed in the blast.
The session in the Dáil was adjourned for one hour. During this recess sentiments turned around and, because the biggest opponent Fine Gael abstained from voting, the bill passed.

No organisation has ever claimed responsibility and obviously the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) was initially the prime suspect, but then again why would they take the risk while the outcome of the voting seemed favourable?
Affecting the votes would prove very helpful to the opponents of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) and consequently the investigation was focussed on the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF).
In the course of the primary investigation English accents, English drivers licenses and stolen cars registered to British owners surfaced everywhere. Appeals made by An Garda Síochána, the police force of the Republic of Ireland, to British authorities for information were of little avail. The unwilling, or at least guarded, attitude of the United Kingdom provides a breeding ground for the idea of British involvement in the bombings and tampering with parliamentary proceedings. Involvement of the Secret Air Service (SAS), the elite corps of the British army, is assumed by some, but there's no agreement regarding the degree of involvement. However, we emphasise that there is no evidence linking any organisation or individuals to the explosions Dublin bombings of 1 December 1972.

Dublin - January 1973

Within seven weeks after the explosions of 1 December 1972 Gardaí received an other warning call. The caller, a man with a native English tongue, stated that a bomb would explode on O'Connell Bridge. Ten minutes later, on 20 January 1973 at 3.20pm, 21 year old Tommy Douglas got killed by an exploding red Vauxhall Victor parked on Sackville Place.

The car was hijacked just off Shankill Road, the centre of a Loyalist district in Belfast, earlier that day and was spotted in Drogheda around noon. Apparently the driver was unfamiliar with Dublin's street as he drove against the direction of the traffic on Sackville Place, by doing so he blocked the road for oncoming traffic. A driver and a pedestrian called to account to which the Vauxhall went into reverse and cleared the way.

Apart from circumstantial clues the investigators had the disposal of two witnesses who had seen the driver of the red Vauxhall and his female passenger. There might have been someone else in the car, but the statements differ as regard to this aspect. Gardaí stated that the witnesses were interviewed and that a composition photo, a so-called photofit or identikit picture, was to be published shortly.
Remarkably the photo was never issued. Some authors argue the Republic of Ireland tried to smother something for the sake of peace and quiet, which in turn strengthen the conviction of British involvement. Whatever the case might be, as yet no organisation has claimed responsibility for the Dublin Bombing of 20 January 1973 and no one was indicted for the murder of Tommy Douglas.

Dublin and Monaghan Bombings

The resistance against the Sunningdale Agreement had reached its peak in May 1974. In an attempt to avert the Council of Ireland, a body consisting of members of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Dáil Éireann, the Ulster Workers' Council (UWC) called out on strike. Key facilities like power stations and petrol industry were brought to a standstill on 15 May and after a few days Northern Ireland was paralysed.

Around 5.30pm on Friday 17 May 1974, the third day of the Ulster Workers' Council Strike, the people of Dublin got prepared for the weekend. It was was the busiest time of the busiest day of the week and without prior warning three car bombs exploded within a time span of merely four minutes in Parnell Street, Talbot Street and South Leinster Street. In all 27 people, including the baby Martha O'Neill who was stillborn in August 1974 and admitted to the official list of causalities, lost their life by the explosions and hundreds were injured.
Ninety minutes later, at approximately 7.00pm, a further seven people got killed by a car bomb on North Street in Monaghan town.

With 34 deaths the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings of 17 May 1974 have the dubious honour of being the most bloodstained massacre of The Troubles.

The bombings were condemned by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (pIRA) in no uncertain terms. Because the cars containing the explosives, like the car used in the bombing of January 1973, were all stolen or hijacked in or near Loyalist areas in Belfast and Portadown the investigators turned their mind to Loyalist paramilitary. Although the attack remained unclaimed for Sammy Smyth, the spokesman of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and the Ulster Workers' Council (UWC), said I am very happy about the bombings in Dublin. There is a war with the Free State and now we are laughing at them..
One day after the bombings Chief Superintendent John Joy announced a photofit of the South Leinster Street suspect to be published. Similar to the promised identikit picture of the suspect of the January bombing this picture too was never issued.
Seemingly the investigations of the Gardaí, as well as the investigations carried out by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), led nowhere and were were officially wound down less then two months after the bombings on 9 July 1974.

Any further investigations and inquiries were put on ice despite an ongoing undercurrent of rumours and conspiracy theories. Surviving relatives and the injured had serious doubts about the actions taken by the Irish state in pursuing those responsible, the integrity of the police investigations, the complicity of state forces in Northern Ireland and finally they feared that known suspects would escape persecution. For over nineteen years their demands for explanation remained unanswered. Politicians and police preserved silence and the atrocity was almost forgotten indeed until the Yorkshire Television broadcast a documentary entitled Hidden Hand - The Forgotten Massacre on 6 July 1993.

Hidden Hand - The Forgotten Massacre

After a profound investigation the producers of Hidden Hand - The Forgotten Massacre had dig up a list containing the names of 20 possible suspects of the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings. Each and every name on that list, which was composed by Gardaí and Constabulary within days after the explosions, belonged to a person affiliated with the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Moreover witnesses were able to identify at least two drivers. Strange yet true, with the possible perpetrators within reach no one was arrested or even questioned by neither Constabulary nor Gardaí.
In addition the producers observed that the operation was technically far too complex for the organisation to accomplish without outside assistance.

The question as to where such assistance might have come from remained unanswered, but the producers stumbled upon a covert base of the Special Air Service (SAS) in Castledillon, County Armagh. It is suspected that this base, officially occupied by the Royal Engineers, accommodated a Special Air Service (SAS) unit known as Northern Ireland Training and Tactics Team (NITAT) from 1973 until 1975.
This period more or less coincides with a period of profound segmentation between the British domestic and foreign security services MI5 and MI6. The Secret Intelligence Service or MI6 aimed at a political solution to end the violence in Northern Ireland and supported the Sunningdale Agreement, whereas MI5, the Secret Service entrusted with domestic intelligence, was determined to prosecute the war against the Republican paramilitaries. In order to achieve their goals MI5 made advances to the outlawed Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and it is assumed that the Special Air Service (SAS) unit in Castledillon infiltrated the Portadown division of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Probably the Special Air Service (SAS) also provided training facilities and even firearms and explosives. There are also witness reports stating that bombs were manufactured with explosives obtained from the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) in buildings controlled by officers of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC).

The documentary didn't yield definite answers and closure, but it did provide sturdy foundations for the rumours of colluding British intelligence and a cover-up operation. Apparently the producers had washed someone's your dirty linen because the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) suddenly issued a statement on 15 July claiming [...] without reservation that the entire operation was from its conception to its successful conclusion, planned and carried out by our volunteers aided by no outside bodies.. Rather remarkable to claim responsibility four decades after causing such havoc. More surprising or even suspicious is the rigorous denial of outside assistance. In fact this denial is the main theme of the brief statement. It might be an indication of overcompensation, in the psychological meaning, or a real strong attempt to shield off whoever or whatever they felt needed their protection.

Armed with the findings of the producers relatives and casualties of the bombings joined in pressure groups such as Justice for the Forgotten and the call for a full public inquiry got louder. Finally, on 19 December 1999 Justice Liam Hamilton was appointed to undertake a thorough examination, involving fact finding and assessment of all aspects of the bombings in 1974. Justice Henry Barron, who succeeded Justice Hamilton in 2000 due to illness, published the report of the commission of inquiry on 10 December 2003. Instead of the long-awaited clarification, this report was a bitter disappointment and provided barely new information.
After the first report, which covered only the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings of May 1974 and the Dundalk Bombing of 19 December 1975, Justice Baron published his second report, concerning the Dublin Bombings of 1972 and 1973 and the bombing in Belturbet in December 1972, in February 2005. Just as in his first report Justice Barron concluded that there was no firm evidence of British collusion. The report however is highly critical of the surprising and disappointing lack of co-operation of the British authorities.

Occasionally new incriminating leads surface. Most of them give support to the idea that British secret services were to some extend involved in several bombings committed by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) in the Republic of Ireland between 1972 and 1974. Relatives and survivors somehow has to deal with the knowledge that composition photos, eye witness reports and even names leading to the possible perpetrators are stored somewhere deep down in a locked file cabinet.




17th May 1974

Devastation on 17th May 1974

On Friday, 17 May 1974, three no-warning car bombs ripped through the heart of Dublin at 5.30 pm. Twenty-six people (including a French and Italian citizen) and an unborn baby lost their lives. Parnell Street, Talbot Street and South Leinster Street were devastated. Ninety minutes later, a fourth car bomb exploded outside Greacen's Pub in North Road, Monaghan town where a further seven people died. This has been the greatest loss of life in a single day of the Troubles, including even the Omagh atrocity of 15 August 1998.

The no-warning Dublin car bombs exploded during the Friday evening rush hour - the busiest time on the busiest day of the week - ensuring maximum casualties. An entire family- a young father and mother and their two baby daughters - was wiped out in Parnell Street.

Political Fallout

The bombings occurred at a time of acute instability in Northern Ireland and coincided with the loyalist Ulster Workers' Council strike, which brought down the power-sharing executive at Stormont established by the Sunningdale Agreement. The arrangement collapsed on 28 May - 11 days after the bombings.

On the evening of the bombings, the Taoiseach, Liam Cosgrave, said in a TV and radio broadcast that he wanted to express 'the revulsion and condemnation felt by every decent person in this island at these unforgivable acts.' He said it would help 'to bring home to us here what the people of NI have been suffering for five long years.' He added 'everyone who has practised violence, or preached violence or condoned violence must bear a share of responsibility for today's outrage'.

In Belfast, the UDA and the UVF denied responsibility for the explosions and in Dublin a statement issued by the Provisional IRA called the explosions 'vile murder'. Mr. Brian Faulkner, NI Chief Executive, sent a message to Mr. Cosgrave expressing 'deepest regret' from himself and his colleagues. The UDA Press Officer, Mr. Samuel Smyth, said: 'I am very happy about the bombings in Dublin. There is a war with the Free State and now we are laughing at them'.

An attitude of resignation appears to have been adopted by the Government insofar as the bombings were seen to have been inevitable because of the actions of the IRA. Speeches by the Taoiseach, Liam Cosgrave; the Minister for Justice, Paddy Cooney; the Minister for Posts & Telegraphs, Conor Cruise O'Brien; the Minister for Local Government, Jim Tully; the leader of the Opposition, Jack Lynch and the Attorney General, Declan Costello, all gave this message loud and clear.

It was repeatedly stated in the days following the bombing that any Irish citizen who had even entertained the thought of supporting the IRA's contemporary campaign was every bit as guilty of the slaughter of the victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings as were those who had, cold-bloodedly and without any warning, planned and carried out the atrocity.

The obvious follow-on from this playing down of the atrocity caused further anguish for the families of the victims and the injured. Only in a few instances did politicians visit the families or wounded. There was no national day of mourning as there had been for Bloody Sunday. A decision was even taken, but quickly reversed, that the National Flag should not be flown at half-mast. (In the event, the National Flag flew at half-mast in Dublin and Monaghan town on Wednesday, 22 May). There was no Government initiative to set up a fund for the dependants of those murdered. There was no consultation with the families and no counselling provided. No progress reports on the investigation were provided by the Gardaí to the families as happened after the Omagh atrocity.

The Cars

Parnell Street
The cars that contained the deadly cargo for Dublin were hijacked on the morning of 17 May. The olive green metallic Hillman Avenger, registration number DIA 4063 was, according to its owner, hijacked at the owner's home in Torrens Road in the Oldpark Road area at 10 am by three masked men. He was held by two of the men until 4 pm and made a statement to the RUC at 5 pm. This car exploded in Parnell Street.

Talbot Street
The blue Ford Escort, registration number 1385 WZ, was stolen from outside a firm of haulage contractors and belonging to an employee of the firm, in Duncrue Road in the docks area of Belfast between 8 and 10.30 am. This car exploded in Talbot Street and was more difficult to trace because the registration plates were partially destroyed in the explosion.

South Leinster Street
The third Dublin bomb car was a Lagoon blue Austin 1800 taxi, registration number HOI 2487, which was hijacked at Agnes Street, off the Shankill Road, at 9 am. The owner/driver was held until 2 pm when he was released but ordered to go home and to wait until 3 pm to report his vehicle as missing to Tennent Street RUC station. He made his report at 3.20 pm. This car exploded just over two hours later in South Leinster Street.

North Road, Monaghan
The car for Monaghan, a green Hillman Minx, registration number 6583 OZ, was stolen from West Street car park in Portadown while its owner was shopping. The car had been parked at around 3.30 pm and was missing on the owner's return at approximately 4.20 pm. It was immediately reported missing to Portadown RUC station. This car exploded in Monaghan at 6.58 pm.

The Early Criminal Investigations

At a press conference on 18 May given by the Head of the Central Detective Unit, Chief Supt. John Joy, Detective Chief Supt. A. McMahon, Chief Supt. John Sheehan and Chief Supt. Edward Doherty, Chief Supt. Joy said that an identikit picture was being prepared of South Leinster St. suspect. However, no identikit picture, of the South Leinster St. suspect or any other suspect, was ever shown on television or in the newspapers. This is despite the fact that it was the customary at that time to show identikit pictures of crime suspects (photofits). (For example, on 10 June 1974, three weeks after the bombings, photofits of two men wanted for the kidnapping of the Earl and Countess of Donoughmore were shown in the Irish Press).

The Garda investigation, which initially seemed to be making good progress, more or less ground to a halt within a few weeks of the atrocity. Despite the fact that they had the names of 20 suspects, some on an evidential basis and others from intelligence sources, none of the suspects was ever questioned, let alone charged, with the crime.

The Foundation of Justice for the Forgotten

Over the years the bereaved and injured came to question:
The actions of the Irish state in pursuing those responsible
The integrity of the RUC investigations.
The complicity of state forces in Northern Ireland in the bombings.
The possibility that known suspects were not pursued.

These concerns were given further depth and focus by a television programme entitled Hidden Hand: the Forgotten Massacre broadcast in July 1993 as part of the 'First Tuesday' series on Channel 4. The programme claimed that the RUC failed to co-operate with the Garda inquiry. It is a fact that the RUC failed to initiate a murder inquiry despite the fact that the crimes originated in their jurisdiction - planning, procurement of cars, assembly of bombs, delivery of bombs, perpetrators return to Northern Ireland.

Justice for the Forgotten was founded in 1996 to act collectively in pursuing these facts and other relevant evidence with the aim of finally establishing the truth about what happened on 17th May 1974.

On 5 September 2000, in a letter to British Minister of State for Northern Ireland, we stated:

"We would remind you that the men who planned and executed this atrocity did so in your jurisdiction, that the no-warning bombs, which caused the deaths of 33 civilians in Dublin and Monaghan on 17 May 1974, were assembled in your jurisdiction, that the cars used to carry the deadly cargo, as well as the getaway cars, were procured in your jurisdiction, and that the perpetrators, when their terrible deed was done, escaped back to safety in your jurisdiction."

Since 1996, Justice for the Forgotten has expanded its campaign to encompass the Dublin bombings of 1972 and 1973. We also work with the Pat Finucane Centre in pursuing and campaigning on other collusion-related atrocities that may have implications for the investigation of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1972, 73 and 74.



*** 6 parts BAD SOUND but watchable ***

Production ID: Y/0587/0128
Programme ID: Y/0587
Gm library type: YTV Production
Programme title: FIRST TUESDAY
Synopsis: The worst terrorist outrage of the Anglo-Irish "toubles" occured on 17th May 1974. It was the ruthless, calculated act of mass murder inflicted on Dublin and Monaghan in the Irish Republic. Thirty-three men, women and children were murdered, and almost 300 injured, when four car bombs exploded in crowded, rush-hour streets.

Today the murders are virtually forgotten and remain an unsolved mystery. No one has been convicted, or even arrested, and no paramilitary group has ever admitted responsibility for the crime. Now, after many months of investigations, First Tuesday pieces together a dramatic and disturbing insight into the worst terrorist attrocity of our times. The programme reveals the hidden truths behind the bombings and explains why details of the massacre have been buried for 20 years.


PART ONE : Ints church service - mass in progress - memorial service for massacre on May 17th 1974 ; cus faces of congregation, i/cut BW CR ftge - service from 19 years ago (0.00-1.58). Gvs streets of Dublin (1.58-2.22). BW CR ftge - aftermath of Dublin bombings, victims on stretchers, police & ambulance activity, stills of dead bodies (2.24-4.15)(5.35-5.42). INTV survivor EDWARD O'NEILL with scarred face (4.15-4.24)(5.02-5.30). Stills of Edward O'Neill as a little boy (4.24-4.34) (4.56-5.02) (5.30-5.35). INTV mother MARTHA O'NEILL (4.34-4.56). BW stills of Doyle family members killed in bombings (5.42-5.58). INTV PADDY DOYLE (5.59-6.37). S Monaghan town centre (?) (6.37-6.45). BW CR stills & ftge - aftermath of Monaghan bomb, derelict shops, i/cut CR ftge - LIAM COSGRAVE, Irish Prime Minister 1974, speaking to nation about bombing (6.45-7.53). S Irish flag flying, seen through branches of tree, tilt down to exts Garda Siochana HQ (Irish Police) (7.53-8.43) (16.49-17.01). Ha pan Belfast (8.43-8.53). S Queensland Street in Shankill Road area (8.53-9.04). Map of route bombers took from Belfast to Monaghan (9.04-9.22). Pov s' & exact reconstruction s' of route driven by bombers into Dublin & Monaghan (9.22-12.10). Cs' stills & statements relating to suspects identified by eye-witnesses (12.10-14.18). Ext Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) HQ in Belfast (14.37-14.56) (16.18-16.27). Graphics of var statements by Irish & RUC police officials (14.56-16.18). Brief ext Irish Govt building in Dublin (16.46-16.49). Tra s street with var loyalist slogans on walls (17.01-17.13). Gv Portadown (17.13-17.27). INTV Capt FRED HOLROYD, Military Intelligence Officer 1973-75 (17.41-18.25). INTV Lt Col GEORGE STYLES, Northern Ireland Bomb Squad 1969-72 (18.53-19.51) (20.57-21.33). INTV Commandant PATRICK TREARS, Bomb Disposal Officer in Irish Army, i/cut BW CR ftge - aftermath of bombing, wrecked cars & police (19.51-20.57) (21.46-22.08).

PART TWO : Tilt up abandoned HQ block for British Army in Lurgan (0.00-0.22). INTV Captain FRED HOLROYD (0.36-1.41) (5.35-6.18). Graphics of statements by Garda ; montage Holroyd's notebooks & diary, & stills of suspects incl WILLIAM HANNA, BILLIE FULTON, DAVID MULHOLLAND & SAMUEL WHITTEN (1.47-3.26). INTV COLIN WALLACE, Army Information Officer 1969-75, i/cut brief CR BW ftge - bombing aftermath ; cs copy of letter written by Wallace naming suspects (3.42-5.15) (10.26-10.52) & (16.51-17.32) (18.27-18.44). Ls' & tra s' stately home in Castle Dillon (ph), used as HQ for British Army Special Duties Team (known as 4 Field Survey Troop), linked to SAS (5.15-5.35) (6.18-6.35) (26.14-26.57). INTV Lord MERLYN REES, Northern Ireland Secretary 1974-76 (6.35-7.04) (7.40-8.10) (15.26-15.57) (19.07-19.34) (23.01-23.49). BW stills Lt Robert Nairac, one of men who ran 4 Field Survey Troop (8.28-8.35) (9.18-9.47). Cs' loyalist slogans & art work on walls (8.52-9.06). Stills of suspects ROBERT McCONNELL, HARRIS BOYLE, & "THE JACKAL" (9.06-9.18). BW still of suspect BILLY HANNA (10.13-10.26). Stills of Keith & Kenneth Liitlejohn, linked to MI5 (11.06-11.28). BW CR ftge of Dublin car bombing (11.35-11.55). INTV JACK LYNCH, Irish Prime Minister 1970-73 (11.55-12.26). INTV Lt Col GEORGE STYLES (13.29-14.57)(16.18-16.37). CR ftge - car bombs (14.57-15.26). BW CR ftge - aftermath of Dublin bombs (16.37-16.51) (17.32-17.43). CR ftge - signing of Sunningdale Agreement 1973 (17.43-17.54). CR ftge - Loyalist paramilitaries, masked, marching ; s' Harold Wilson getting out of car (17.54-18.12) (20.04-20.14). CR ftge - Ulster workers strike (19.34-19.46). Exts Irish Government building in Dublin (20.32-20.42). BW CR ftge - Liam Cosgrave, Irish Prime Minister 1973-77, speaking (20.42-21.05). BW still William "Frenchie" Marchant & still of his funeral (21.28-21.43). Stills of all suspects & updates on their whereabouts (many are now dead) (21.43-23.01). People gathering for memorial service on anniversary of bombing (23.49-24.30). INTV PADDY BOYLE (24.30-25.10). INTV MARTHA O'NEILL (25.01-25.38). INTV EDWARD O'NEILL (25.38-26.14).
Series title: FIRST TUESDAY (SERIES 11)
Series ID: Y/0587-11
Credits text: Producer - GLYN MIDDLETON, MARK ACKERMAN
Running time - minutes: 25
Running time - seconds: 46
First TX date: 1993-07-06
Production type: PROGRAMME
Version type: UK VERSION
Local series ID:
Local episode ID: F163/07
Picture style: Colour
Sound style: Stereo
Slot time: 60
Commissioner: THE ITV NETWORK
Exploit Issues: PRODUCTIONS CONSENT REQUIRED, Restriction, All Sales, All Media, All Territories, All Languages
Production companies: YORKSHIRE TELEVISION


False Flag Fever: 9/11, 7/7 & The War On Terror In Context
25 minute lecture and discussion about how 9/11 and 7/7 were almost certainly 'Business as usual' for Western Intelligence Agencies.

Martin explains that they have a grisly record of killing their own countrymen and then blaming the attack on someone else.

The so called 'false flag', black operation. Martin takes us through some of the most well documented examples of false flag attacks since the second world war.

He looks at the Irish bombings where Brigadier Gordon Kerr's Force Research Unit assisted the Loyalist terrorists to kill innocent Irish people on the Streets of Dublin and Monaghan.

He also takes us through NATO's Operation Gladio which was behind the 'terrorist' kidnapping and assassination of former Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro amongst many other attacks on innocent European civilians. Plus the precursors to the 9/11 False Flag attack - the Moscow apartment bombings of 1999 carried out by Vladimir Putin's FSB, the successoe tho the KGB. Martin Summers is a former Bosnian aid worker with CAFOD, and has worked for the New Economics Foundation and Amnesty International.

and especially

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posted by u2r2h at Friday, March 06, 2009


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